Wednesday, January 30, 2008

John Adams

Adams, John

Adams, John (1735-1826), 2nd president of the United States. He devoted his life to politics, participating with distinction first in the revolutionary activities of Boston and Philadelphia and later in the founding of the republic. He served as a Massachusetts delegate to the Continental Congress, as a diplomat in the struggle to win European recognition of American independence, and as vice president and president of the United States during its critical, formative years.

Adams's diaries, letters, and books provide invaluable information about the politics of his time. His writings reveal the mind of an astute observer and philosopher—a very human one whose warmth, wit, and playfulness captivate the reader. His reputation as an intelligent and courageous statesman endures; but his name has been overshadowed by others—perhaps because he was not uniquely connected with any single great event.

Boyhood and Education. Adams was born in the village of Braintree (Quincy), Mass., on Oct. 30 (Old Style, Oct. 19), 1735. His parents and ancestors had been honored members of the community since its founding. His father, John Adams, was influential in town business, serving as selectman and officer of the militia; his mother, Susanna Boylston Adams, was known for her devotion to family and church. The Adams clan had arrived from England about 1640 and settled on land that their descendants were still tilling in John's boyhood.

Besides receiving the informal instruction of village life, Adams attended dame and Latin school. In spite of his inclination to be a farmer, his schooling prepared him for college and a career in the ministry. With some special tutoring in Latin from Joseph Marsh, a local scholar, John passed his entrance examinations for Harvard College in 1751 and began four absorbing years of study that excited his imagination. "I was a mighty metaphysician, at least I thought myself such"; he was a mighty scientist, debater, and orator, too. As he examined career possibilities, the ministry soon appeared less interesting to him than law, medicine, and public service. At graduation in 1755 he was still undecided, and he accepted a teaching position in Worcester while he contemplated the future.

Early Public Career. The career of a schoolmaster was most unsatisfying for Adams. His pupils were "little runtlings" who barely knew their ABC's, and his students noted that he was preoccupied with other matters. His position, however, enabled him to meet the intellectuals of Worcester, including James Putnam, its most distinguished lawyer. Adams finally decided to make a career of the law and apprenticed himself to Putnam. Since the intense young man was not interested in being a country lawyer, he returned as soon as possible (in 1758) to Braintree, where family connections could win him introductions to the Boston bar.

Lawyer Adams began his career in Braintree writing wills and deeds and taking an interest in town affairs. Although local matters were important to him, his law practice began to take him farther and farther from Braintree. On his way to and from Plymouth he would stop at Weymouth to visit Abigail, the young daughter of the Reverend Mr. William Smith. John and Abigail were married on Oct. 25, 1764, and he loved her deeply throughout their long marriage.

Adams's legal practice often took him to Boston, where he became well acquainted with James Otis, Jr., and his distant cousin Samuel Adams. With them he attended the clubs of tradesmen and joined the "Sodalitas" an a founding member. This group of Boston lawyers mixed scholarly discussions of law with debates on the legality of the Stamp Act of 1765. Out of these meetings came Adams' anonymous articles for the Boston Gazette, later reprinted as A Dissertation on Canon and Feudal Law. In these he traced the origin and rise of freedom. The rights of Englishmen, he wrote, were derived from God, not from king or Parliament, and would be secured by the study of history, law, and tradition.

Adams expressed these views in political form when he drew up for Braintree a protest against the Stamp Act that became a model for similar remonstrations elsewhere in New England. He assailed the stamp tax as an unnecessary burden upon the people and an unconstitutional levy—"no free man can be separated from his property but by his own act or fault." These ideas gave him much prominence in Massachusetts. Braintree recognized him now as a leading townsman by electing him a selectman, but legal work kept him in Boston, so he gave up his post as selectman and moved there in 1768.

Though Adams was always ready to speak out for liberty, he maintained his political independence and offered his talents to anyone in trouble. His most dramatic case occurred in 1770 when he and Josiah Quincy defended the British soldiers accused of murder in the Boston Massacre. It was an incident of justice versus unlawful authority, but the culprit this time was the Boston mob that provoked the incident. For taking the case Adams was sharply rebuked in the patriot newspapers, yet he was privately congratulated on winning this case for liberty.

Since May 1770, Adams had been a Boston representative in the legislature (General Court). Associating daily with men deeply concerned about liberty, he was troubled by the issues confronting the colonies. These preyed upon his mind, and he decided in 1771 to leave public life. After 16 months of semiretirement, partly taken up in travel and bathing in the mineral springs of Stafford, Conn., and partly in farming, he returned to Boston.

Rise to Leadership. The radicals were happy to have Adams available for consultation and as a writer for the newspapers. They elected him to the Governor's Council in May 1773, only to have him ejected by the governor for his partisanism. He was, indeed, involved in patriotic maneuvers, and he rejoiced when Bostonians dumped the hated tea into the harbor in the Boston Tea Party of 1773. Britain's retaliation drew him into full partnership with the radicals, and he became a delegate to the First Continental Congress in 1774.

During the next three years in Philadelphia, Adams pushed Congress into decisive action that was to separate the colonies from Britain. He urged successfully the appointment of George Washington as commander in chief of colonial forces and the creation of a naval force to challenge Britain's supremacy of the seas. In committee and on the floor of Congress, he laid down principles of foreign policy, helped write the resolutions of May 10, 1776, that declared America independent, and defended the Declaration of Independence during debate in Congress.

As chairman of the Board of War and Ordnance for nearly a year (1776–1777), Adams attempted to equip the army. Important to the revolutionary cause also were his extensive correspondence and his published writings. His Novanglus papers (1774–75) and his Thoughts on Government (1776) outlined principles of liberty and order for the Americans.

In Diplomatic Service. In 1778, Adams was sent to replace Silas Deane, one of the American diplomatic agents in Paris negotiating a commercial and military alliance with France. Before he arrived, however, the American commissioners there had successfully concluded the negotiations. Adams returned to Braintree in time to be chosen a member of the Massachusetts constitutional convention; he composed most of the articles of the state constitution accepted by the convention in 1780.

Adams's work on the state charter was barely completed when he was appointed a minister plenipotentiary in anticipation of peace negotiations with Britain. In Paris, while awaiting the start of negotiations, he was expected to be patient and inconspicuous—a role unsuited to his nervous, passionate temperament. With blunt advice for all parties, Adams irritated the French officials by meddling in policy matters, and he angered Benjamin Franklin by comments on his behavior. Finally giving way to their hostility, he withdrew to the Netherlands where he secured recognition of American independence and negotiated a loan and treaty of amity and commerce.

Returning to Paris in October 1782, Adams joined John Jay and Franklin in the peace discussions. In these proceedings Adams particularly, and successfully, insisted on the rights of the United States to fish off the Canadian coast, and he also was interested in extending American territory as far west as possible. The Treaty of Paris, ending the War of Independence, was concluded on Sept. 3, 1783.

While the peace treaty was being ratified by Congress, Adams and his son, John Quincy Adams, toured England. In 1783–1784, Adams negotiated loans for the United States in the Netherlands and commercial treaties in France. In 1785 he was appointed first U.S. minister to Britain. His three years in London were fruitless in winning trade concessions or putting Anglo-American relations on a friendly basis. Adams used his time to good purpose, however, by getting well acquainted with Thomas Jefferson, U.S. minister to France, and writing A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States (3 vols., 1787). Like Adams's other writings, this work was unpolished and somewhat polemical, but it contained a wealth of information on constitutional theory and was often cited in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Adams strongly approved of balanced government and praised the British parliamentary system as the "most stupendous fabric of human invention."

While Adams favored states' rights and reform of the Articles of Confederation, he had worried about the continuing weakness of the national government. In 1788 he welcomed the proposed Constitution as "admirably calculated to preserve the Union." As his thoughts turned homeward, he resigned his unproductive London post and returned to Braintree to study, write, and garden. Within the year, in the first election held under the Constitution, he was chosen vice president of the United States, confirming his national position as second only to President Washington.

The First Vice President. As in all of his positions, Adams, who was reelected in 1792, accepted the responsibilities of the vice presidency with energy and seriousness. He presided over the U.S. Senate and cast the deciding vote frequently, often for measures that would increase generally the powers of the national government or specifically those of the presidency. Always ready to offer opinions, Adams lectured the Senate on its duties. He also published a series of essays, Discourses on Davila (1791), which commented broadly on civil disorders, with special reference to the French Revolution.

As Washington's "heir apparent," Adams discovered that even the presidency was being reduced to the level of human passions and party objectives. According to his philosophy, the position should seek the man, and knowledge as well as virtue should qualify the man, without regard to partisanship. Unlike Washington, Adams had rivals for the presidency, and he should have been more flexible. Instead, he permitted Alexander Hamilton to assume leadership of the Federalist party, while he tried to remove himself from partisan politics by associating even with his party's critics.

Hamilton was angry over this conduct and sought another candidate to represent the Federalist party. But the party was embroiled with the Jeffersonian Republicans in fierce contests over the direction of foreign affairs. This division centered on the war between England and France, with the Federalists favoring the English, and the Republicans, the French. The climax came during the ratification of Jay's Treaty with Britain in 1794 (see Jay's Treaty). Its pro-English character offended both the French government and the pro-French Republicans who carried on a scurrilous newspaper campaign against Jay and the administration. The bitterness, however, brought a reaction in favor of the moderates and many leaders, wishing to avoid excess, rallied to Adams, who had managed to stay out of the dispute.

Hamilton, who had greatly influenced the treaty negotiations, was helpless but not reconciled to the choice of Adams as Federalist candidate for president. During the presidential campaign of 1796 he secretly tried to substitute Thomas Pinckney for Adams and thus divided the party. As a result, the election was extremely close: Adams won the presidency by three electoral votes (71-68) over the Republican Jefferson, who, under the electoral system then in use, became the vice president.

The Presidency. Adams entered office on March 4, 1797. Fully aware of his slender victory, he sought political harmony. His inaugural address, tracing the progress of the nation, declared his faith in republicanism and called upon the people to end partisan politics. He tried to reach an accord with Jefferson, conciliate the Hamiltonians, and steer a peaceful course through the controversy with France over Jay's Treaty. But he encountered supreme difficulties.

As the first president to succeed another, Adams had no guidelines to follow on cabinet appointments, patronage, and policy enunciations. He decided to keep Washington's mediocre cabinet, partly because he wanted to reconcile the Federalists and partly because he knew how difficult is was to get good men to serve. The cabinet was Federalist—and more, Hamiltonian—in loyalty. Adams did not fully realize the inherent dangers of this situation until 1799, when the cabinet violated its trust by working against his policies.

With Federalists about him, Adams found partisan politics impossible to avoid, though he favored Republicans Benjamin Rush and Elbridge Gerry with appointments. As relations with France worsened, he had to recommend preparations for defensive warfare while negotiations for peace continued. These measures irritated the Republicans, but Adams was not deterred. He held to his policy of peace and preparedness even after the French Directory insulted American envoys (see XYZ Correspondence) and began detaining American vessels. In January 1798 he proposed the creation of a navy department and asked for funds to put the military on a war footing.

Four bills to control subversion, the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, were also passed. One of the acts imposed severe penalties on those who criticized the government. These harsh measures, formulated in a time of fright, were approved by Adams. Although a score of journalists were punished for their attacks on the administration, the laws were not ruthlessly applied. The opposition, however, made them appear cruel and turned them into symbols of Federalism.

Adams's reprisals against French seizures of American shipping were popular for a time, and the Federalists won the 1798 congressional elections. Though Congress did not declare war, Adams pushed ahead with military preparations, selecting Washington, Henry Knox, Charles C. Pinckney, and Hamilton, in that order, to be the ranking generals of the army. But while Adams was visiting in Quincy (which had been set off from Braintree in 1792), the cabinet secured Washington's backing to move Hamilton ahead of his colleagues and make him second in command (actually, commander since Washington was not expected to take the field). Adams grasped the significance of this maneuver. He saw lawful control of the army shifted to Hamilton and, more, the naked specter of militarism. Hamilton and the cabinet wanted to prolong the crisis with France and use the opportunity to consolidate the Federalist party and spread the war into Spanish America.

By the time Adams fully realized what was happening, he had advice from Europe that France would resume negotiations. In February 1799 he abruptly nominated William Vans Murray as a special envoy, to the amazement of the Hamiltonians. Debate over the action was bitter, and Adams compromised by agreeing to name a commission instead of a single delegate, but he withstood the pressure of Hamilton, the British minister, and some members of his cabinet. The commission finally concluded a treaty with France on Sept. 30, 1800. Thus Adams succeeded in preventing a war with France and preserving his country's neutrality.

The treaty negotiations had split the party, and the Federalists now openly considered the effect of this division on the 1800 election. When two cabinet members, Secretary of State Pickering and Secretary of War McHenry, revealed their disloyalty to Adams, he forced their resignations without any political finesse. His abrasive action infuriated the Hamiltonians, who vented their feelings in public, matching the president's undiplomatic conduct. The Republicans, led by Jefferson and Aaron Burr, enjoyed the Federalist predicament. Adams was temperamentally unable to assume the responsibilities of a party boss or to dramatize the achievements of his administration. The election results reflected this weakness. The Federalists lost the presidency to Jefferson and the Republicans by eight electoral votes (73 to 65) and also lost Congress.

Later Years. Adams left the presidency in 1801 for private life in Quincy. He remained bitter toward Hamilton and the Federalists, yet he regained his sense of humor and served his country in a different way, becoming president of the Massachusetts Society of Arts and Sciences, the Massachusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture, and other societies. He also wrote articles for the Boston Patriot reviewing events of his administration, and he corresponded with many people in the spirit of Cicero's Letters. His correspondence on politics, history, national affairs, religion, and philosophy was designed to guide posterity in maintaining the principles of 1776. His letters to Jefferson and Benjamin Rush are monuments of erudition, revealing a charming personality that could be crusty, petty, and lovable within the space of dozen lively lines.

Adams died in Quincy, Mass., on July 4, 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson died the same day.

See also Adams (family); United States--The Founding of the Nation, 1763–1815.

John A. Schultz
University of Southern California

Bibliography

Adams's writings are included in The Adams Papers, ed. by Lyman H. Butterfield et al. (Belknap Press/Harvard Univ. Press 1961– ), a projected 100-vol. edition in several series of Adams family documents—diaries, correspondence, and state papers—in the custody of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Series include The Papers of John Adams, ed. by Robert J. Taylor et al., 12 vols. through 2004 (1977– ); The Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. by Lyman H. Butterfield, 4 vols. (1961), and its supplement, The Earliest Diary of John Adams, ed. by Lyman H. Butterfield et al. (1966); and The Legal Papers of John Adams, 3 vols., ed. by L. Kinvin Wroth and H. B. Zobel (1966). The Adams Papers is supplanting the 10-vol. Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States, ed. by Charles Francis Adams (1850–1856 ed. reprinted by AMS Press 1971). Volumes of selections include Political Writings of John Adams, ed. by George W. Carey (Regnery Pub. 2000), and Revolutionary Writings of John Adams, ed. by C. Bradley Thompson (Liberty Fund 2000). Adams's correspondence has been gathered in several editions, notably The Adams-Jefferson Letters, ed. in 2 vols. by Lester J. Cappon (1959; reprint, Inst. of Early Am. Hist. and Culture/Univ. of N.C. Press 1988), and The Book of Abigail and John; Selected Letters of the Adams Family, 1762–1784, ed. by Lyman H. Butterfield et al. (Harvard Univ. Press 1975).

Adams, James Truslow, The Adams Family (1930; reprint, Greenwood Press 1974).

Brookhiser, Richard, America's First Dynasty: The Adamses, 1735–1918 (Free Press 2002).

Brown, Ralph A., The Presidency of John Adams (Univ. Press of Kans. 1975).

Brown, Walt, John Adams and the American Press: Politics and Journalism at the Birth of the Republic (McFarland & Co. 1995).

Ellis, Joseph J., Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of John Adams (Norton 1993).

Ferling, John E., John Adams: A Life (1992; reprint, H. Holt 1996).

Ferling, John E., John Adams: A Bibliography (Greenwood Press 1994).

Grant, James, John Adams: Party of One (Farrar, Straus 2005).

Handler, Edward, America and Europe in the Political Thought of John Adams (Harvard Univ. Press 1964).

Haraszti, Zoltan, John Adams and the Prophets of Progress (Harvard Univ. Press 1952).

Howe, John R., Jr., The Changing Political Thought of John Adams (Princeton Univ. Press 1966).

Hutson, James H., John Adams and the Diplomacy of the American Revolution (Univ. Press of Ky. 1980).

McCullough, David G., John Adams (Simon & Schuster 2001).

Nagel, Paul C., Descent from Glory: Four Generations of the John Adams Family (Oxford 1983).

Peterson, Merrill D., Adams and Jefferson: A Revolutionary Dialogue (1976; reprint, Oxford 1978).

Ryerson, Richard A., ed., John Adams and the Founding of the Republic (Mass. Hist. Soc. 2001).

Shaw, Peter, The Character of John Adams (Norton 1977).

Smith, Page, John Adams, 2 vols. (1962, 1963; reprint, Greenwood Press 1969).

Thompson, C. Bradley, John Adams and the Spirit of Liberty (Univ. Press of Kans. 1998).

Weisberger, Bernard A., America Afire: Jefferson, Adams, and the Revolutionary Election of 1800 (Morrow 2000).

Appended Material

Presidential Highlights: John Adams

2d President of the United States (1797–1801)

Born Oct. 30, 1735, in Braintree (Quincy), Mass.
Higher Education Harvard College (B.A., 1755).
Religious Affiliation Unitarian.
Occupation Lawyer.
Marriage Oct. 25, 1764, to Abigail Smith (1744–1818).
Children Abigail Amelia (1765–1813); John Quincy (1767–1848); Susanna (1768–1770); Charles (1770–1800); Thomas Boylston (1772–1832).
Military Service None.
Party Affiliation Federalist.
Legal Residence When Elected Massachusetts.
Position before Taking Office Vice President of the United States.
Principal Writings The Life and Works of John Adams, 10 vols., ed. by Charles F. Adams (1856); The Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 4 vols., ed. by Lyman H. Butterfield et al. (1961).
Died July 4, 1826, in Quincy, Mass., at age 90.
Burial Place First Unitarian Church, Quincy, Mass.

Cabinet Members and Other Officials: Adams Administration

Office Name Term
Vice President Thomas Jefferson 1797–1801
Secretary of State Thomas Pickering 1797–1800

John Marshall 1800–1801
Secretary of the Treasury Oliver Wolcott, Jr. 1797–1800

Samuel Dexter 1800
Secretary of War James McHenry 1797–1800

Samuel Dexter 1801
Attorney General Charles Lee 1797–1801
Postmaster General Joseph Habersham 1797–1801
Secretary of the Navy Benjamin Stoddert 1798–1801




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Related articles:
Adams, John Quincy (1767-1848)
Washington, George (1732-1799)

George Washington

Washington, George (1732-1799), first president of the United States. When Washington retired from public life in 1797, his homeland was vastly different from what it had been when he entered public service in 1749. To each of the principal changes, he had made an outstanding contribution. Largely because of his leadership the Thirteen Colonies had become the United States, a sovereign, independent nation.
As commander in chief during the American Revolution, Washington built a large army, held it together, kept it in a maneuverable condition, and prevented it from being destroyed by a crushing defeat. By keeping the army close to the main force of the British, he prevented them from sending raiding parties into the interior. The British did not risk such forays because of their belief that their remaining forces might be overwhelmed. The British evacuation of Boston in 1776, under Washington's siege, gave security to nearly all of New England.
Drawing from his knowledge of the American people and of the way they lived and fought, Washington took advantage of British methods of fighting that were not suited to a semiprimitive environment. He alternated between daring surprise attacks and the patient performance of routine duties. Washington's operations on land alone could not have overcome the British, for their superior navy enabled them to move troops almost at will. A timely use of the French fleet contributed to his crowning victory at Yorktown in 1781.
After the war Washington took a leading part in the making of the Constitution and the campaign for its ratification. Its success was assured by 1797, at the end of the second term of his presidency. In 1799 the country included nearly all its present-day territory between the Atlantic coast and the Mississippi River.
President Washington acted with Congress to establish the first great executive departments and to lay the foundations of the modern federal judiciary. He directed the creation of a diplomatic service. Three presidential and five congressional elections carried the new government, under the Constitution, through its initial trials.
A national army and navy came into being, and Washington acted with vigor to provide land titles, security, and trade outlets for pioneers of the trans-Allegheny West. His policy procured adequate revenue for the national government and supplied the country with a sound currency, a well-supported public credit, and an efficient network of national banks. Manufacturing and shipping received aid for continuing growth.
In the conduct of public affairs, Washington originated many practices that have survived. He withheld confidential diplomatic documents from the House of Representatives and made treaties without discussing them in the Senate chamber. Above all, he conferred on the presidency a prestige so great that political leaders afterward esteemed it the highest distinction to occupy the chair he had honored.
Most of the work that engaged Washington had to be achieved through people. He found that success depended on their cooperation and that they would do best if they had faith in causes and leaders. To gain and hold their approval were among his foremost objectives. He thought of people, in the main, as right-minded and dependable, and he believed that a leader should make the best of their good qualities.
As a Virginian, Washington belonged to, attended, and served as warden of the established (Anglican) church. But he did not participate in communion, nor did he adhere to a sectarian creed. He frequently expressed a faith in Divine Providence and a belief that religion is needed to sustain morality in society. As a national leader he upheld the right of every sect to freedom of worship and equality before the law, condemning all forms of bigotry, intolerance, discrimination, and persecution.
Throughout his public life, Washington contended with obstacles and difficulties. His courage and resolution steadied him in danger, and defeat steeled his will. His devotion to his country and his faith in its cause sustained him. Averse to harsh measures, he was generous in victory. "His integrity," wrote Thomas Jefferson, "was the most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known. He was, indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man."
Early Career
George Washington was born in Westmoreland county, Va., on a farm, later known as Wakefield, on Feb. 11, 1732, Old Style (Feb. 22, 1732, New Style). His first American ancestor, John Washington, came to Virginia from England in 1657. This immigrant's descendants remained in the colony and gained a respected place in society. Farming, land buying, trading, milling, and the iron industry were means by which the family rose in the world. George's father, Augustine, had four children by his first wife and six by his second wife, Mary Ball, George's mother. From 1727 to 1735, Augustine lived at Wakefield, on the Potomac River between Popes Creek and Bridges Creek, about 50 miles (80 km) inland and close to the frontier.
Of George's early life little is known. His formal education was slight. He soon revealed a skill in mathematics and surveying so marked as to suggest a gift for practical affairs akin to youthful genius in the arts. Men, plantation life, and the haunts of river, field, and forest were his principal teachers. From 1735 to 1738, Augustine lived at "Little Hunting Creek" (later Mount Vernon). In 1738 he moved to Ferry Farm, opposite Fredericksburg on the Rappahannock River. Augustine died when George was 11, leaving several farms. Lawrence, George's half brother, inherited Mount Vernon, where he built the central part of the now-famous mansion. Another half brother, Augustine, received Wakefield. Ferry Farm went to George's mother, and it would pass to George after her death.
These farms bounded the world George knew as a boy. He lived and visited at each. Ambitious to gain wealth and eminence, mainly by acquiring land, he was obliged to depend chiefly on his own efforts. His mother once thought of a career for him in the British Navy but was evidently deterred by a report from her brother in England that an obscure colonial youth could not expect more at Britain's hands than a job as a common sailor.
George's youthful model was his half brother Lawrence, a cultivated gentleman, whom he accompanied on a trip to Barbados, West Indies, in 1751. There George was stricken with smallpox, which left lasting marks on his face.
When only 15, George was competent as a field surveyor. In 1748 he went as an assistant on a surveying party sent to the Shenandoah Valley by Thomas, 6th Baron Fairfax, a neighbor of Lawrence and owner of vast tracts of land in northern Virginia. A year later George secured a commission as surveyor of Culpeper county. In 1752 he became the manager of a sizable estate when he inherited Mount Vernon on Lawrence's death.
George's early experiences had taught him the ways of living in the wilderness, had deepened his appreciation of the natural beauty of Virginia, had fostered his interest in the West, and had afforded opportunities for acquiring land. The days of his youth had revealed a striving nature. Strength and vigor heightened his enjoyment of activities out-of-doors. Quick to profit by mistakes, he was otherwise deliberate in thought. Not a fluent talker, he aspired to gain practical knowledge, to acquire agreeable manners, and to excel in his undertakings.
French and Indian War. In the early 1750s, Britain and France both strove to occupy the upper Ohio Valley. The French erected Fort Le Boeuf, at Waterford, Pa., and seized a British post, Venango, on the Allegheny River. Alarmed by these acts, Virginia's governor, Robert Dinwiddie, sent Washington late in 1753 on a mission to assert Britain's claim. Washington led a small party to Fort Le Boeuf, where its commander stated France's determination to possess the disputed area. Returning to Williamsburg, Washington delivered the defiant reply. He also wrote a report telling a vivid winter's tale of wilderness adventure that enhanced his reputation for resourcefulness and daring.
Dinwiddie then put Washington in command of an expedition to guard an intended British fort at the forks of the Ohio, at the present site of Pittsburgh. En route, he learned that the French had expelled the Virginia fort builders and were completing the works, which they named Fort Duquesne. He advanced to Great Meadows, Pa., about 50 miles (80 km) southeast of the fort, where he erected Fort Necessity. On May 28, 1754, occurred one of the most disputed incidents of his career. He ambushed a small French detachment, the commander of which, Joseph Coulon de Villiers, sieur de Jumonville, was killed, along with nine of his men. The others were captured. This incident started the French and Indian War. The French claimed that their detachment was on a peaceful mission; Washington thought that it was engaged in spying. He returned to Fort Necessity, which a large French force attacked on July 3. It fell after a day's fighting. In making the surrender, Washington signed a paper that imputed to him the blame for "l'assassinat" ("murder") of Jumonville. Not versed in French, Washington later explained that he had not understood the meaning of the incriminating word.
By the terms of the surrender, he and his men were permitted to return, disarmed, to the Virginia settlements. The news of his defeat moved Britain to send to Virginia an expedition under Gen. Edward Braddock, whom Washington joined as a voluntary aide-de-camp, without command of troops. Braddock's main force reached a point on the Monongahela River about 7 miles (11 km) southeast of Fort Duquesne, where, on July 9, 1755, he suffered a surprise attack and a defeat that ended in disordered flight. Washington's part was that of inspiriting the men. His bravery under fire spread his fame to nearby colonies and abroad. Dinwiddie rewarded him by appointing him, in August, to the command of Virginia's troops, with the rank of colonel.
His new duties excluded him from leadership in the major campaigns of the war, the operations of which were directed by British officials who assigned to Virginia the humdrum task of defending its inland frontiers. No important battles were fought there. Washington drilled his rough and often unsoldierly recruits, stationed them at frontier posts, settled disputes, struggled to maintain order and discipline, labored to procure supplies and to get them transported, strove to have his men paid promptly and provided with shelter and medical care, sought support from the Virginia government, and kept it informed. His command trained him in the management of self-willed men, familiarized him with the leaders of Virginia, and schooled him in the rugged politics of a vigorous society.
The French and Indian War also estranged him from the British. Thereafter, he never expressed a feeling of affection for them. He criticized Braddock for blaming the Virginians as a whole for the shortcomings of a few local contractors. He also thought that Braddock was too slow in his marches. As commander in Virginia, he resented his subordination to a British captain, John Dagworthy, and made a trip to Boston early in 1756 in order to get confirmation of his authority from the British commander in America. He objected that one of his major plans was upset by ill-considered orders from Britain, and in 1758 he disputed with British officers about the best route for an advance to Fort Duquesne. The war ended in such a way as to withhold from him a suitable recognition for his arduous services of nearly six years and to leave him, if not embittered, a somewhat disappointed man.
Life at Mount Vernon. Resigning his commission late in 1758, Washington retired to Mount Vernon. On Jan. 6, 1759, he married Martha Dandridge, widow of Daniel Parke Custis, whose estate included 15,000 acres (6,000 ha) and 150 slaves. Washington became devoted to Martha's two children by her first marriage, John Parke Custis and Martha Custis.
As a planter, Washington concentrated at first on tobacco raising, keeping exact accounts of costs and profits. He soon learned that it did not pay. British laws required that his exports be sent to Britain, sold for him by British merchants, and carried in British ships. Also, he had to buy in Britain such foreign finished goods as he needed. On various occasions he complained that his tobacco was damaged on shipboard or sold in England at unduly low prices. He thought that he was often overcharged for freight and insurance, and he objected that British goods sent to him were overpriced, poor in quality, injured in transit, or not the right type or size. Unable to control buying and selling in England, he decided to free himself from bondage to British traders. Hence he reduced his production of tobacco and had his slaves make goods of the type he had imported, especially cloth. He developed a fishery on the Potomac, increased his production of wheat, and operated a mill. He sent fish, wheat, and flour to the West Indies, where he obtained foreign products or the money with which to buy them.
From the start he was a progressive farmer who promoted reforms to eliminate soil-exhausting practices that prevailed in his day. He strove to improve the quality of his livestock and to increase the yield of his fields, experimenting with crop rotation, new implements, and fertilizers. His frequent absences on public business hindered his experiments, for they often required his personal direction.
He also dealt in Western lands. Virginia's greatest estates, he wrote, were made "by taking up…at very low prices the rich back lands," which "are now the most valuable lands we possess." His Western urge had largely inspired his labors during the French and Indian War. At that time, Britain encouraged settlement in the Ohio Valley as a means of gaining it from the French. In July 1754 Governor Dinwiddie offered 200,000 acres (80,000 ha) in the West to colonial volunteers. Washington became entitled to one of these grants. After the war he bought claims of other veterans, served as agent of the claimants in locating and surveying tracts, and obtained for himself (by July 1773) 10,000 acres (4,000 ha) along the Ohio, between the Little Kanawha and Great Kanawha rivers, and 10,000 acres on the Great Kanawha. In 1775 he sought to settle his Kanawha land with servants.
Washington lived among neighbors who acquiesced in slavery and, if opposed to it, saw no feasible means of doing away with it. In 1775 he endorsed a strong indictment of the slave trade, but in 1776 he opposed the royal governor of Virginia, who had urged slaves of patriot masters to gain freedom by running away and joining the British Army to fight for the king. When Washington was famous as a world figure, he dissociated himself, publicly, from slavery, although he continued to own many slaves. He favored emancipation if decreed by law. In his will he ordered that his slaves be freed after the death of his wife.
Early Political Activity. After expelling France from North America, Britain decided to reserve most of the Ohio Valley as a fur-producing area. By the Quebec Act (1774), Britain detached from Virginia the land it claimed north of the Ohio River and added it to the royal Province of Quebec. This act struck at Washington's plans because it aimed to leave the Indians in possession of the north bank of the Ohio, where they could menace any settlers on his lands across the river. In April 1775 the governor of Virginia, John Murray, 4th earl of Dunmore, canceled Washington's Kanawha claims on the pretext that his surveyor had not been legally qualified to make surveys. At this time, also, Britain directed Dunmore to stop granting land in the West. Thus Washington stood to lose the fruits of his efforts during the French and Indian War.
As a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses from 1759 to 1774, Washington opposed the Stamp Act, which imposed crushing taxes on the colonies for the support of a large British army in America. Virginia, he said, was already paying enough to Britain: its control of Virginia's trade enabled it to acquire "our whole substance." When the Townshend Revenue Act (1767) levied taxes on tea, paper, lead, glass, and painter's colors, Washington pledged not to buy such articles ("paper only excepted").
By mid-1774 he believed that British laws, such as the Boston Port Act and the Massachusetts Government Act, showed that Britain intended to do away with self-government in the colonies and to subject them to a tyrannical rule. In May he joined other Virginia burgesses in proposing that a continental congress should be held and that a provincial congress be created to take the place of the Virginia assembly, which Dunmore had disbanded.
Washington was chairman of a meeting at Alexandria in July that adopted the Fairfax Resolves, and he was elected one of the delegates to the First Continental Congress, which met in Philadelphia in September. There the Fairfax Resolves provided the basis for the principal agreement signed by its members—the Continental Association. This forbade the importing into the colonies of all goods from Britain and all goods subject to British taxes. Moreover, it authorized all towns and counties to set up committees empowered to enforce its provisions. The Continental Congress thus enacted law and created a new government dedicated to resisting British rule. Washington spent the winter of 1774–1775 in Virginia, organizing independent military companies that were to aid the local committees in enforcing the Continental Association and, if need be, to fight against British troops.
The American Revolution
When the Second Continental Congress met on May 10, 1775, the fighting near Boston (Lexington–Concord) had occurred. The British Army was cooped up in Boston, surrounded by nearly 14,000 New England militiamen. On Feb. 2, 1775, the British House of Commons had declared Massachusetts to be in a state of rebellion. This imputed to the people of that colony the crime of treason. Washington, by appearing at the Second Congress in uniform (the only member thus attired), expressed his support of Massachusetts and his readiness to fight against Britain. In June, Congress created the Continental Army and incorporated into it the armed New Englanders around Boston, undertaking to supply and pay them and to provide them with generals. On June 15 Washington was unanimously elected general and commander in chief.
The tribute of a unanimous election reflected his influence in Congress, which endured throughout the American Revolution despite disagreements among the members. In 1775 they divided into three groups.
The militants, led by Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Richard Henry Lee, favored vigorous military action against Britain. Most of them foresaw the need of effective aid from France, which the colonies could obtain only by offering their commerce. Before that could be done, they must become independent states. Another group, the moderates, represented by Benjamin Harrison and Robert Morris, hoped that a vigorous prosecution of the war would force Britain to make a pro-American settlement. Only as a last resort would the moderates turn to independence. The third group, the conciliationists, led by John Dickinson, favored defensive measures and looked to "friends of America" in England to work out a peace that would safeguard American rights of self-taxation, thereby keeping the colonies in the British empire.
Washington agreed with the militants and the moderates as to the need for offensive action. The conciliationists and the moderates, as men of fortune, trusted him not to use the army to effect an internal revolution that would strip them of their property and political influence.
Early in the war Washington and the army had to act as if they were agents of a full-grown nation. Yet Congress, still in an embryonic state, could not provide suddenly a body of law covering all the issues that figure in a major war. Many actions had to be left to Washington's discretion. His commission (June 17, 1775) stated: "You are hereby vested with full power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service." There was a danger that a strong general might use the army to set up a military dictatorship. It was therefore urgent that the army be under a civil authority. Washington agreed with the other leaders that Congress must be the superior power. Yet the army needed a good measure of freedom of action. A working arrangement gave such freedom, while preserving the authority of Congress.
If there was no need for haste, Washington advised that certain steps be taken, and Congress usually approved. In emergencies, he acted on his own authority and at once reported what he had done. If Congress disapproved, he was so informed, and the action was not repeated. If Congress did nothing, its silence signified assent. So attentive was Washington to Congress, and so careful was he when acting on his own initiative, that no serious conflict clouded his relations with the civil authority.
Washington Takes Command. When he took command of the army at Cambridge on July 3, 1775, the majority of Congress was reluctant to adopt measures that denoted independence, although favoring an energetic conduct of the war. The government of Lord North decided to send an overpowering army to America and to that end tried to recruit 20,000 mercenaries in Russia. On August 23, George III issued the Royal Proclamation of Rebellion, which branded Washington as guilty of treason and threatened him with "condign punishment." Early in October, Washington concluded that in order to win the war the colonies must become independent.
In August 1775 Washington insisted to Gen. Thomas Gage, the British commander at Boston, that American officers captured by the British be treated as prisoners of war—not as criminals (that is, rebels). In this, Washington asserted that the conflict was a war between two separate powers and that the Union was on a par with Britain. He defended the rank of American officers as being drawn from the "uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power."
In August–September he initiated an expedition for the conquest of Canada and invited the king's subjects there to join the 13 colonies in an "indissoluble union." At about the same time he created a navy of six vessels, which he sent out to capture British ships bringing supplies to Boston. Congress had not favored authorizing a navy, then deemed to be an arm of an independent state. Early in November, Washington inaugurated a campaign for arresting, disarming, and detaining Tories. Because their leaders were agents of the British Crown, his policy struck at the highest symbol of Britain's authority. He urged the opening of American ports to French ships and used his prestige and the strength of the army to encourage leaders of the provincial governments to adopt measures that committed their colonies to independence. His influence was evident in the campaigns for independence in Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York. He contributed as much to the decision for independence as anyone. The Declaration of Independence was formally adopted on July 4, 1776.
The Military Campaigns. Washington's military record during the revolution is highly creditable. His first success came on March 17, 1776, when the British evacuated Boston. He had kept them surrounded and immobilized during a siege of more than eight months. He had organized a first American army and had recruited and trained a second. His little fleet had distressed the British by intercepting their supplies. Lack of powder and cannon long kept him from attacking. Once they had been procured, he occupied, on March 4–5, 1776, a strong position on Dorchester Heights, Mass., from which he could threaten to bombard the British camp. The evacuation made him a hero by proving that the Americans could overcome the British in a major contest. For five months thereafter the American cause was brightened by the glow of this outstanding victory—a perilous time, when confidence was needed to sustain morale.
Washington's next major achievement was made in the second half of 1776, when he avoided a serious defeat and held the army together in the face of overwhelming odds. In July and August the British invaded southern New York with 34,000 well-equipped troops. In April, Washington's force had consisted of only 7,500 effective men. Early in June, Congress had called 19,800 militia for service in Canada and New York. In a few weeks Washington had to weld a motley throng into a unified force. Even then his men were outnumbered three to two by the British. Although he suffered a series of minor military defeats (Brooklyn Heights, August 26–29; Kip's Bay, September 15; Harlem Heights, September 16; White Plains, October 28; Fort Washington, November 16), the wonder is that he escaped a catastrophe.
After the setbacks in New York, he retreated through New Jersey, crossing the Delaware River in December. The American cause now sank to its lowest ebb. Washington's main army, reduced to 3,000 men, seemed about to disintegrate. It appeared that the British could march easily to Philadelphia. Congress moved to Baltimore. In these dire straits Washington made a dramatic move that ended an agonizing campaign in a blaze of glory. On the stormy night of December 25–26, he recrossed the Delaware, surprised Britain's Hessian mercenaries at Trenton, and captured 1,000 prisoners. This move gave him a striking position in central New Jersey, whereupon the British ceased offensive operations and pulled back to the vicinity of New York.
On Oct. 17, 1777, Gen. John Burgoyne surrendered at Saratoga, N.Y., his army of 5,000 men—all that were left of the 9,500 who had invaded New York from Canada. To this great victory Washington made two contributions. First, in September 1775, he sent an expedition to conquer Canada. Although that aim was not attained, the project put the Americans in control of the approaches to northern New York, particularly Lake Champlain. Burgoyne encountered so many obstacles there that his advance was seriously delayed. That in turn gave time for the militia of New England to turn out in force and to contribute decisively to his defeat. Second, in 1777, Washington conducted a campaign near Philadelphia that prevented Gen. William Howe from using his large army for the relief of Burgoyne. Washington's success at Trenton had placed him in a position both to defend Philadelphia and to strike at British-held New York. Howe had thereupon undertaken a campaign with the hope of occupying Philadelphia and of crushing Washington's army. Although Washington suffered minor defeats—at Brandywine Creek on September 11 and at Germantown on October 4—he again saved his army and, by engaging Howe in Pennsylvania, made possible the isolation and eventual defeat of Burgoyne.
Unable to overcome Washington in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the British shifted their main war effort to the South. In 1781 their invasion of Virginia enabled Washington to strike a blow that virtually ended the war. France had joined the United States as a full-fledged ally in February 1778, thereby putting French troops at Washington's disposal and, more important, giving him the support of a strong navy which he deemed essential to victory. His plan of 1781 called for an advance from New York to Virginia of a large American-French army which would act in concert with the French fleet, to which was assigned the task of controlling Chesapeake Bay, thereby preventing an escape by sea of the British forces under Lord Cornwallis. Washington's army trapped Cornwallis at Yorktown, Va., on the York River, and the French admiral, count de Grasse, gained command of the bay. Outnumbered, surrounded on land, and cut off by sea, Cornwallis surrendered his 7,000 troops on October 19. Although Britain still had large forces in America, the Yorktown blow, along with war weariness induced by six years of failure, moved the war party in England to resign in March 1782 in favor of a ministry willing to make peace on the basis of the independence of the United States.
Political Leadership During the War. Washington's political leadership during the Revolution suggests that of an active president of later times. He labored constantly to keep people of all classes at work for the cause. He held a central position between two extremes. He strove to retain the support of the common people, who made up the army and—as farmers and workers—produced the supplies. Composing the left wing, they cherished democratic ideas that they hoped to realize by popular rule in the state governments. Washington appealed to them by his faith in popular sovereignty, his sponsorship of a republic and the rights of man, and his unceasing efforts to assure that his soldiers were well paid and adequately supplied with food, clothing, arms, medical care, and shelter. His personal bravery, industry, and attention to duty also endeared him to the rank and file, as did his sharing of dangers and hardships, as symbolized by his endurance at Valley Forge during the bleak winter of 1777–1778. The right wing consisted of conservatives whose leaders were men of wealth. Washington retained their confidence by refusing to use the army to their detriment and by insisting on order, discipline, and respect for leadership. It was his aim that the two wings should move in harmony. In this he succeeded so fully that the American Revolution is rare among political upheavals for its absence of purges, reigns of terror, seizures of power, and liquidation of opponents.
Before 1778, Washington was closely affiliated with the left wing. Afterward, he depended increasingly on the conservatives. In the winter of 1777–1778 there was some talk of replacing him with Gen. Horatio Gates, the popular hero of Saratoga. This estranged Washington from some of the democratic leaders who sponsored Gates. The French alliance, coming after the American people had made heavy sacrifices, tended to relax their efforts now that France would carry much of the burden. These developments lessened the importance of the popular leaders in Washington's counsels and increased the standing of the conservatives. Washington sought maximum aid from France, but also strove to keep the American war effort at a high pitch lest France should become the dominant partner—a result he wished to avoid. His character and tact won the confidence and respect of the French, as typified by the friendship of the Marquis de Lafayette.
In 1782 some of the army officers, irked by the failure of Congress to fulfill a promise concerning their pay, threatened to march to Philadelphia and to use force to obtain satisfaction. In an address on March 15, 1783, Washington persuaded the officers to respect Congress and pledged to seek a peaceful settlement. Congress responded to his appeals by granting the officers five years' full pay, and the crisis ended. It evoked from Washington a striking statement condemning government by mere force. "If men," he wrote, "are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most serious consequences, reason is of no use to us, the freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep, to the slaughter."
Throughout the war, Washington retained a commanding position in the army. Generals Philip Schuyler, Henry Knox, Nathanael Green, and Henry Lee were especially attached to him. His relations with Horatio Gates became strained but not ruptured. A rebuke to Charles Lee so angered that eccentric general as to cause him eventually to retire and to denounce Washington as a demigod. General Benedict Arnold suffered a somewhat milder, though merited, rebuke shortly before he agreed to sell information to Britain about the defenses at West Point.
(In 1976 an act of Congress promoted Washington to six-star General of the Armies so that he would rank above all other American generals.)
The Confederation Years
After the war, several states were beset with troubles that alarmed Washington and conservative leaders who were close to him. British merchants flooded the United States with British goods. Inadequate markets abroad for American products obliged American merchants to export coin or to buy imports on credit. Britain excluded American ships from the trade of the British West Indies, to the distress of New England. A shortage of money depressed the prices of American products and enhanced the difficulty of paying debts—not only those owed to British merchants but also those that had been contracted by Congress or the states to finance the war. As the debt burdens grew, debtors demanded that the states issue large quantities of paper money. About half the states did so. Such paper depreciated, to the loss of creditors. The strife between debtor and creditor in Massachusetts exploded in an uprising, Shays' Rebellion, that threatened to overthrow the state government.
Apprehensive men turned to Washington for leadership. It seemed to them, and to him, that the troubles of the times flowed from the weaknesses of the central government under the Articles of Confederation. The Union could not provide a single, stable, adequate currency because the main powers over money were vested in the states. Because Congress could not tax, it could not maintain an army and navy. Nor could it pay either the principal or the interest on the national debt. Washington believed that the central government should be strengthened so that it could safeguard property, protect creditors against hostile state laws, afford the Union a uniform, nondepreciating currency, and collect taxes in order both to pay the national debt and to obtain revenues sufficient for current needs. He also thought that Congress should be empowered to foster domestic manufacturing industries as a means of lessening the importation of foreign goods. Washington's anxieties over events in the 1780s were deepened by his memories of bitter experiences during the Revolution, when the weakness of Congress and the power of the states had handicapped the army in countless ways.
The Constitutional Convention met at Philadelphia in May 1787. Washington, a delegate of Virginia, served as its president. His closest associate then was James Madison. The Constitution, as adopted, embodied Washington's essential ideas. It provided for a "mixed" or "balanced" government of three branches, so devised that all three could not easily fall under the sway of any faction, thus assuring that every important group would have some means of exerting influence and of protecting its interests in a lawful manner. The federal government, as remodeled, was vested with powers adequate for managing the common affairs of the Union, while leaving to the states control over state-confined property and business, schools, family relations, and nonfederal crimes and lesser offenses. Washington helped to persuade the Virginia legislature to ratify the Constitution, making use of The Federalist papers written in its defense by James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay.
The Presidency
Unanimously elected the first president, Washington was inaugurated in New York City on April 30, 1789. Acting with a cooperative Congress, he and his aides constructed the foundations on which the political institutions of the country have rested since that time.
His qualifications for his task could hardly have been better. For 15 years he had contended with most of the problems that faced the infant government. By direct contact he had come to know the leaders who were to play important parts during his presidency. Having traveled widely over the country, he had become well acquainted with its economic conditions and practices. Experience had schooled him in the arts of diplomacy. He had listened closely to the debates on the Constitution and had gained a full knowledge both of its provisions and of the ideas and interests of representative leaders. He had worked out a successful method for dealing with other men and with Congress and the states. Thanks to his innumerable contacts with the soldiers of the Revolutionary army, he understood the character of the American people and knew their ways. For eight years after 1775 he had been a de facto president. The success of his work in founding a new government was a by-product of the qualifications he had acquired in the hard school of public service.
The Executive Departments. The Constitution designated the president as the only official charged with the duty of enforcing all the federal laws. In consequence, Washington's first concern was to establish and develop the executive departments. In a sense such agencies were arms of the president—the instruments by which he could perform his primary duty of executing the laws. At the outset, Washington and his co-workers established two rules that became enduring precedents: the president has the power to select and nominate executive officers and the power to remove them if they are unworthy.
Congress did its first important work in 1789, when it made provision for five executive departments. The men heading these departments formed the president's cabinet. One act established the war department, which Washington entrusted to Gen. Henry Knox. Then came the creation of the treasury department, its beginnings celebrated by the brilliant achievements of its first secretary, Alexander Hamilton. The department of state was provided for, and Thomas Jefferson took office as its first secretary in March 1790. The office of postmaster general came into being next, and the appointment went to Samuel Osgood. Washington's first attorney general, Edmund Randolph, was selected after his office had been created.
In forming his cabinet Washington chose two liberals—Jefferson and Randolph—and two conservatives—Hamilton and Knox. The liberals looked to the South and West, the conservatives to the Northeast. On subjects in dispute, Washington could secure advice from each side and so make informed decisions.
In constructing the new government, Washington and his advisers acted with exceptional energy. The challenge of a large work for the future inspired creative efforts of the highest order. Washington was well equipped for the work of building an administrative structure. His success arose largely from his ability to blend planning and action for the attainment of a desired result. First, he acquired the necessary facts, which he weighed carefully. Once he had reached a decision, he carried it out with vigor and tenacity. Always averse to indolence and procrastination, he acted promptly and decisively. In everything he was thorough, systematic, accurate, and attentive to detail. From subordinates he expected standards like his own. In financial matters he insisted on exactitude and integrity.
The Federalist Program. From 1790 to 1792 the elements of Washington's financial policies were expounded by Hamilton in five historic reports. Hamilton was a highly useful assistant who devised plans, worked out details, and furnished cogent arguments. The Federalist program consisted of seven laws. Together they provided for the payment, in specie, of debts incurred during the Revolution; created a sound, uniform currency based on coin; and aimed to foster home industries in order to lessen the country's dependence on European goods.
The Tariff Act (1789), the Tonnage Act (1789), and the Excise Act (1791) levied taxes, payable in coin, that gave the government ample revenues. The Funding Act (1790) made provision for paying, dollar for dollar, the old debts of both the Union and the states. The Bank Act (1791) set up a nationwide banking structure owned mainly by private citizens, which was authorized to issue paper currency that could be used for tax payments as long as it was redeemed in coin on demand. A Coinage Act (1792) directed the government to mint both gold and silver coins, and a Patent Law (1791) gave inventors exclusive rights to their inventions for 14 years.
The Funding Act, the Excise Act, and the Bank Act aroused an accelerating hostility so bitter as to bring into being an opposition group. These opponents, the Republicans, precursors of the later Democratic party, were led by Jefferson and Madison. The Funding Act enabled many holders of government certificates of debt, which had been bought at a discount, to profit as the Treasury redeemed them, in effect, at their face values in coin. Washington undoubtedly deplored this form of private gain, but he regarded it as unavoidable if the Union was to have a stable currency and a sound public credit. The Bank Act gave private citizens the sole privilege of issuing federal paper currency, which they could lend at a profit. The Excise Act, levying duties on whiskey distilled in the country, taxed a commodity that was commonly produced by farmers, especially on the frontier. The act provoked armed resistance—the Whiskey Rebellion—in western Pennsylvania, which Washington suppressed with troops, but without bloodshed or reprisals, in 1794.
The Republicans charged that the Federalist acts tended to create an all-powerful central government that would devour the states. A protective tariff that raised the prices of imported goods, a centralized banking system operated by moneyed men of the cities, national taxes that benefited the public creditors, a restricted currency, and federal securities (as good as gold) that could be used to buy foreign machines and tools needed by manufacturers—all these features of Washington's program, so necessary to industrial progress, repelled debtors, the poorer farmers, and the most zealous defenders of the states.
The Judiciary System. Under Washington's guidance a federal court system was established by the Judiciary Act of Sept. 24, 1789. The Constitution provided for its basic features. Because the president is the chief enforcer of federal laws, it is his duty to prosecute cases before the federal courts. In this work his agent is the attorney general. To guard against domination of judges, even by the president, the Constitution endowed them with tenure during good behavior.
The Judiciary Act of 1789 was so well designed that its most essential features have survived. It provided for 13 judicial districts, each with a district court of federal judges. The districts were grouped into three circuits in which circuit courts were to hear appeals from district courts. The act also created a supreme court consisting of a chief justice and five associate justices to serve as the final arbiter in judicial matters, excepting cases of impeachment. Washington's selection of John Jay as the first chief justice was probably the best choice possible for the work of establishing the federal judiciary on an enduring basis.
Foreign Affairs. In foreign affairs Washington aimed to keep the country at peace, lest involvement in a great European war shatter the new government before it could acquire strength. He also sought to gain concessions from Britain and Spain that would promote the growth of pioneer settlements in the Ohio Valley. In addition, he desired to keep up the import trade of the Union, which yielded revenue from tariff duties that enabled the government to sustain the public credit and to meet its current expenses.
The British and French. Washington's foreign policy took shape under the pressure of a war between Britain and revolutionary France. At the war's inception Washington had to decide whether two treaties of the French-American alliance of 1778 were still in force. Hamilton held that they were not, because they had been made with the now-defunct government of Louis XVI. Washington, however, accepted Jefferson's opinion that they were still valid because they had been made by an enduring nation—a principle that has since prevailed in American diplomacy. Fearing that involvement in the European war would blight the infant government, Washington issued a proclamation of neutrality on April 22, 1793, urging American citizens to be impartial and warning them against aiding or sending war materials to either belligerent.
Because Britain was the dominant sea power, France championed the doctrine of neutral rights that was asserted in the French-American alliance. The doctrine held that neutrals, the United States in this case, might lawfully trade with belligerents in articles not contraband of war. Britain acted on a contrary theory respecting wartime trade and seized American ships, thereby violating rights generally claimed by neutrals. Such seizures goaded the Republican followers of Jefferson to urge measures that might have led to a British-American war. Washington then sent John Jay on a treaty-making mission to London. Jay's Treaty of Nov. 19, 1794, outraged France; it did not uphold the French-American alliance, and it conferred benefits on Britain. Washington disliked some of its features, yet he signed it (the Senate had ratified it by a two-thirds vote). One reason was that keeping open the import trade from Britain continued to provide the Treasury with urgently needed tariff revenues.
Unable to match Britain on the sea, the French indulged in a campaign to replace Washington with their presumed partisans, in order to vitiate the treaty. They also waged war on the shipping of the United States, and relations between the two countries went from bad to worse.
The Western Frontier. Washington's diplomacy also had to deal with events in the West that involved Britain and Spain. Pioneers located in Tennessee, Kentucky, and the Ohio country—producers of grain, lumber, and meats—sought good titles to farmlands, protection against Native American attacks, and outlets for their products by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and New Orleans.
In the northern area Britain held, within the United States, seven trading posts, of which the most important were Niagara, Detroit, and Mackinac. Native American determination to preserve their hunting lands against the inroads of pioneers encouraged the British in Canada in their efforts to maintain their hold on the fur trade and their influence on the tribes of the area north of the Ohio River.
The focus of the strife was the land south of present-day Toledo. The tribes most actively engaged were the Ottawa, Potawatomi, Chippewa, and Shawnee. Two American commanders suffered defeats that moved Washington to wrath. British officials in Canada then backed the tribes in their efforts to expel Americans from the country north of the Ohio River. But in 1794 a third U.S. force, under Gen. Anthony Wayne, defeated the tribes so decisively at the Battle of Fallen Timbers, at the site of present-day Toledo, that they lost heart; the English withdrew their support. Wayne then imposed a victor's peace. By the Treaty of Greenville (1795), the tribes relinquished nearly all their lands in Ohio, clearing the way for pioneers to move in and form a new state. In 1796 the British evacuated the posts they had held within the United States. Because Jay's Treaty had called for the withdrawal, this registered another victory for Washington's diplomacy.
The Spanish Frontier. On the southwestern frontier the United States faced Spain, then the possessor of the land south of the 31st parallel, from the Atlantic coast to the Mississippi River. Intent on checking settlement growth south of the Ohio River, Spain used its control of the mouth of the Mississippi at New Orleans to obstruct the export of American products. The two countries each claimed a large area, known as the Yazoo Strip, north of the 31st parallel.
In dealing with Spain Washington sought both to gain for western settlers the right to export their products, duty free, by way of New Orleans, and to make good the U.S. claim to the territory in dispute. The land held by Spain domiciled some 25,000 people of European stocks, who were generally preferred by the Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, and Chickasaw, with 14,000 warriors, to the 150,000 settlers who had pushed into Kentucky, Tennessee, and western Georgia.
The selection of Jefferson as the first secretary of state reflected Washington's intention to aid the West. However, Jefferson's task was complicated by a tangle of frontier plots, grandiose land-speculation schemes, and war preparations involving Spanish officials, European fur traders, and Native American tribes. In 1795, however, a series of misfortunes moved Spain to yield and agree to the Treaty of San Lorenzo. The treaty recognized the 31st parallel as the southern boundary of the United States and granted to Americans the right to navigate the whole of the Mississippi, as well as a three-year privilege of landing goods at New Orleans for shipment abroad.
Washington Steps Down. When Washington left office, the objectives of his foreign policy had been attained. By avoiding war he had enabled the new government to take root. He had prepared the way for the growth of the West, and, by maintaining the import trade, he had safeguarded the national revenues and the public credit. By the end of 1795 his creative work had been done. Thereafter he and his collaborators devoted their efforts largely to defending what they had accomplished. A conservative spirit became dominant; an era of "High Federalism" dawned. As his health declined, Washington was attacked by Republican opponents alleging that Hamilton had seized control of the administration; that a once-faithful ally, France, had been cast aside; that the Federalists were plotting to create a monarchy on the British model; and that they had corrupted Congress in order to effect their program. The attack reached its utmost pitch when Washington's foes reprinted forged letters that had been published to impugn his loyalty during the Revolution. He made no reply to his detractors.
Washington had been reelected unanimously in 1792. His decision not to seek a third term established a tradition that is now embedded in the 22d Amendment of the Constitution. In his Farewell Address of Sept. 17, 1796, he drew on the results of his varied experience, offering a guide for both present and future. He urged his compatriots to cherish the Union, support the public credit, be alert to the "insidious wiles of foreign influence," respect the Constitution and the nation's laws, abide by the results of elections, and eschew political parties of a sectional cast. Asserting that the United States and Europe had different interests, he declared that it "is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world," trusting to temporary alliances for emergencies. He also warned against indulging in either habitual favoritism or habitual hostility toward particular nations, lest such attitudes should provoke or involve the country in needless wars.
Last Years
Washington's retirement at Mount Vernon was interrupted in 1798 when he assumed nominal command of a projected army intended to fight against France in an anticipated war. Early in 1799 he became convinced that France desired peace and that Americans were unwilling to enlist in the proposed army. He successfully encouraged Pres. John Adams to break with the war party, headed by Hamilton, and end the quarrel.
Washington's last public efforts were devoted to opposing the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, which challenged his conviction that the Constitution decreed that federal acts should be the supreme law of the land. Working at his plantation, Washington contracted a cold and died on Dec. 14, 1799, after a two-day illness.
Washington combined in one career many signal achievements in business, warfare, and government. Over a period of 20 years, he took the leading part in three great historic events. After 1775 he was animated by the purpose of creating a new nation dedicated to human rights. His success in fulfilling that purpose places him in the first rank among the figures of world history.
Curtis P. Nettels*Cornell University
Bibliography
Washington's writings are definitively collected in the several series of the University Press of Virginia's Papers of George Washington, ed. in chief, Philander D. Chase. The Papers comprise the 10-vol. Colonial Series (1748–1775), ed. by W. W. Abbot et al. (1983–1995); the Revolutionary War Series (1775–1783), ed. by Philander D. Chase (1985– ; 13 vols. through 2003); the 6-vol. Confederation Series (1784–1788), ed. by W. W. Abbot (1992–1997); the Presidential Series (1788–1797), ed. by Dorothy Twohig et al. (1987– ; 11 vols. through 2002); and the 4-vol. Retirement Series (1797–1799), ed. by W. W. Abbot and, for vol. 3, Edward G. Lengel (1998–1999). The Journal of the Proceedings of the President, 1793–1797, ed. by Dorothy Twohig (Univ. Press of Va. 1981), is an ancillary vol., a presidential daybook chiefly compiled by Washington's secretaries Tobias Lear and Bartholomew Dandridge. Selected editions include Basic Writings of George Washington, ed. by Saxe Commins (Random House 1948); The Washington Papers: Basic Selections from the Public and Private Writings of George Washington, ed. by Saul K. Padover (1955; reprint, Easton Press 1989); George Washington: A Collection, ed. by W. B. Allen (Liberty Classics 1988); and Writings, ed. by John H. Rhodehamel (Penguin 1997). Affectionately Yours, George Washington (Norton 1967), ed. by Thomas J. Fleming, is a collection of his letters. The 6-vol. Diaries of George Washington was edited by Donald Jackson with Dorothy Twohig (Univ. Press of Va. 1976–1979). George Washington's Diaries: An Abridgment, ed. by Dorothy Twohig (Univ. Press of Va. 1999), was selected from this edition.
Alden, John R., George Washington: A Biography (La. State Univ. Press 1984).
Bremer, Howard F., ed., George Washington, 1732–1799: Chronology, Documents, and Bibliographical Aids (Oceana Pubns. 1967).
Brookhiser, Richard, Founding Father: Rediscovering George Washington (Free Press 1996).
Burns, James MacGregor, and Susan Dunn, George Washington (Times Bks. 2004).
Corbin, John R., The Unknown Washington (1930; reprint, Ayer 1977).
Davis, Burke, George Washington and the American Revolution (Random House 1975).
Ellis, Joseph J., His Excellency; George Washington (Knopf 2004).
Ferling, John, Setting the World Ablaze: Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and the American Revolution (Oxford 2000).
Fitzgerald, John C., George Washington Himself (1933; reprint, Greenwood Press 1975).
Flexner, James T., George Washington: A Biography, 4 vols. (Little, Brown 1965–1975) [George Washington: The Indispensable Man (Little, Brown 1974) is a 1-vol. distillation].
Ford, Paul L., The True George Washington (1896; reprint, Arden Lib. 1981).
Freeman, Douglas S., George Washington, 6 vols. (Scribner 1948–1954) [completed in First in Peace, by John A. Carroll and Mary W. Ashworth (Scribner 1957)].
Hansen, William P., and John Haney, eds., Washington (Chelsea House 1987).
Higginbotham, Don, George Washington and the American Military Tradition (Univ. of Ga. Press 1985).
Higginbotham, Don, ed., George Washington Reconsidered (Univ. Press of Va. 2001).
Jones, Robert F., George Washington: Ordinary Man, Extraordinary Leader (Fordham Univ. Press 2002).
Johnson, Paul, George Washington: The Founding Father (HarperCollins 2005).
Ketchum, Richard M., The World of George Washington (Crown 1984).
Morgan, Edmund S., The Genius of George Washington (1980; reprint, Univ. Press of Am. 1985).
Nettels, Curtis P., George Washington and American Independence (1951; reprint, Greenwood Press 1977).
Rhodehamel, John H., The Great Experiment: George Washington and the American Republic (Yale Univ. Press/Huntington Lib. 1998).
Smith, Richard N., Patriarch: George Washington and the New American Nation (Houghton 1993).
Wiencek, Henry, An Imperfect God: George Washington, His Slaves, and the Creation of America (Farrar, Straus 2003).
Wills, Garry, Cincinnatus: George Washington and the Enlightenment (Doubleday 1984).
Appended Material
Presidential Highlights: George Washington
1st President of the United States (1789–1797)
Born
Feb. 22, 1732, in Westmoreland county, Va.
Higher Education
None.
Religious Affiliation
Anglican.
Occupations
Surveyor, planter, soldier.
Marriage
Jan. 6, 1759, to Martha Dandridge Custis.
Military Service
U.S. Army (1752–1783), Revolutionary War.
Party Affiliation
Federalist.
Legal Residence When Elected
Virginia.
Position before Taking Office
Army commander.
Died
Dec. 14, 1799, in Mount Vernon, Va., at age 67.
Burial Place
Family vault, Mount Vernon, Va.
Cabinet Members and Other Officials: Washington Administration
Office
Name
Term
Vice President
John Adams
1789–1797
Secretary of State
Thomas Jefferson
1790–1793
Edmond Randolph
1794–1795
Timothy Pickering
1795–1797
Secretary of the Treasury
Alexander Hamilton
1789–1795
Oliver Wolcott, Jr.
1795–1797
Secretary of War
Henry Knox
1789–1794
Timothy Pickering
1795
James McHenry
1796–1797
Attorney General
Edmund Randolph
1789–1794
William Bradford
1794–1795
Charles Lee
1795–1797
Postmaster General
Samuel Osgood
1789–1791
Timothy Pickering
1791–1795
Joseph Habersham
1795–1797